Journal articles: 'Vases à figures rouges' – Grafiati (2024)

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The publication of two Proto-White Painted ware pictorial style vases found at the necropolis of Palaepaphos-Skales in Cyprus is preceded by a discussion of several issues relating to this style which appeared early in the 11th century BC. In recent years scholars have expressed conflicting views about the origin of the silhouetted pictorial motifs (birds, quadrupeds, human figures etc.), which appear next to the linear geometric decoration on such vases, usually amphorae and kraters. Some have expressed the view that the influence comes from Syria. Here it is proposed that the silhouetted figures of Proto-White Painted ware are derived from a Cypriote style with both local and Aegean characteristics, which developed in the 12th century BC. The pictorial motifs of this style, drawn both in outline and silhouette, are combined with linear geometric motifs, also in panels. In Proto-White Painted ware the pictorial motifs become rare and small. In order to be distinguished from the dominant linear geometric motifs they are rendered primarily in silhouette. The shapes of vases and the decoration of Proto-White Painted ware are mainly of Aegean character.

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Trois livres écrits à chaud au printemps et à l’été 2012 fournissent l’occasion et le moyen de scruter la manière dont le Printemps québécois s’est lui-même mis en images et en mots : témoignages, parfois sous le mode de la poésie, du dessin et de la fiction ; textes et images de création, parfois sous le mode du témoignage ; ensemble, ils ouvrent une fenêtre sur ce Printemps et permettent de le saisir de l’intérieur, de l’aborder en tant que mouvement dans sa globalité et sa complexité, de saisir l’imaginaire qui y est à l’oeuvre, et surtout de le faire rétrospectivement. Seront mis en évidence les sujets individuels et le sujet collectif au coeur du Printemps québécois ainsi que les figures de leur adversaire, puis le passage du Je au Nous – des sujets individuels au sujet collectif – ce qui permettra de cerner tant la mémoire que le projet dont ce mouvement est porteur.

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Abstract Drawing on the combined approaches of ancient Greek iconography, dance history, and the archaeology of ritual and religion, this paper examines dance gesture as a mechanism of ritual communication in ancient Greek vase-painting. After presenting the problems and limitations of matching art and text with regard to dance, as both Classical scholars and practitioners of modern dance have attempted, the paper expands on various ways of showing dance on vases. Special attention is given to komast dancers on black-figure vases and to other types of dance scenes and figures. A rethinking of the evidence for dance as ritual on Greek vases is proposed under the two categories of non-repetitive and repetitive gesture. It is posited that such a distinction anticipates the mood, participants, and occasions, and might indicate discrete areas of ritual activity. Dance, gesture, and ritual are also considered according to the gender and sexuality of performers, the presence of the divine, and the relationship between the shape, composition, and function of some vessels.

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Résumé Le programme iconographique d’une amphore attique à figures noires, datée vers 540, signée du potier Amasis et attribuée au Peintre d’Amasis (Cabinet des Médailles de la Bibliothèque Nationale de France à Paris), est réexaminé. A partir de celui-ci, on se propose d’évaluer l’importance documentaire des images portées par les vases dans l’approche de l’histoire socio-religieuse de l’Athènes archaïque.

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The aim is to identify the key porcelain works painted by the Honored Artist of Ukraine Angelina Zhdanova during the second half of the 20th century, to reveal the artistic features of her decoration of sculptures, utensils and vases. Research methods – ontological, axiological, hermeneutic, historical-chronological, historical-comparative, cultural, typological, art analysis. Their combination allows us to reveal the specifics of the creative method of Anhelina Zhdanova concerning the design of sculptures of small forms and design development of decors for fine ceramic ware and vases. Novelty comprises the analysis of the artist’s appeals to the Ukrainian in the decoration of the best examples of domestic porcelain sculpture of the third quarter of the 20th century. (first of all, according to the designs of V. and M. Trehubov’s forms) and the use of exquisite Petrykivka painting in the design of vases, dishes, tableware of the second half of the twentieth century, created at Korosten and Svitlovodsk porcelain factories. Conclusions. The milestones of the work of the outstanding Ukrainian artist-designer in the field of porcelain Anhelina Leonidivna Zhdanova are traced. The list of main works in sculpture, vases and utensils, decor projects which she created at Korosten and Svitlovodsk porcelain factories in the 1950s – 1990s is outlined. It is determined that A. Zhdanova is the author of the original painting of the famous sculptures ‘Ukrainian Dance’ and ‘Shoes’, the forms for which were developed by V. Trehubova in the mid – second half of the 1950s. Portraits of Soviet figures on plates and vases, such as party executives, astronauts, foreign ambassadors or the UN Secretary General, are important in the artist’s work. A separate segment of Korosten products by A. Zhdanova consists of paintings with skillfully executed floral ornaments for framing portraits. The paintings are made in a delicate brush technique ‘cat’, the type of Petrykivka paintings.

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At the main entrance to the Adam Mickiewicz Park in Poznań, there are two identical stone vases with ancient motives. The author indicates that they are not merely neoclassical works from the beginning of the 20th century, but copies of the famous Townley Vase dating back to the Roman times. Then, he focuses on the retinue of Dionysus on the main frieze of the vase and discusses all ten figures occurring in it.

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The significance behind the imagery of the padded dancer, or komast, traditionally has been connected to early drama, Dionysos, or ritual practices. Most Archaic Corinthian vases that include these figures portray them dancing, and a percentage of those dancers also illustrate a deformity of the foot. This article attempts to contextualise the clubfooted padded dancer within its political, cultural and geographic boundaries by offering an explanation for the end of production of these figures in Corinth. The lame padded dancer may have been a localised symbol offering political commentary on historical traditions of lameness within the tyrannical family of Corinth. Its production and discontinuation may be connected to the rise and fall of this family.

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This paper presents an analysis of the size and spatial organization of text segments and anthropomorphic figures on Classic Maya polychrome vases. Based on a sample of 110 vases that contain both text and images and are complete enough to measure the relevant variables, I demonstrate that a single set of canons for the sizes and placements of text segments and images, separately and with respect to one another, characterizes vessels throughout the polychrome-producing area. Both texts and images exhibit a three-level hierarchy of sizes, with standardized ratios of the primary-to-secondary level and of the secondary-to-tertiary level. Concurrently, significance is added to these sizes through vertical and horizontal arrangement on the vessel surface. This analysis confirms statistically what visual analysis has broadly speculated about in terms of proportion, scale, and similarities between styles. Data are also provided that illuminate issues in the method and meaning of scene layout and the representation of active and inactive figure illustration.

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AbstractThe article analyses the depictions of archers in so-called 'Scythian' clothes (a high sharp cap or a rounded hood, a caftan and trousers) in Attic archaic vase-painting. The author concludes that these figures were neither conceived as real ethnical Scythians, nor associated by vase painters or their customers with this or any other people. The clothes were rather an iconographic conventionality symbolising a second rank character accompanying a hero. The latter was depicted as a hoplite. The 'Scythian' clothes corresponded to the character's function, not to his ethnical identity. This scheme in vase-painting existed between c. 530 and 490 BC, and then went out of use, because after the Greco-Persian wars these clothes began to be associated with ethnical identity, though not Scythian, but Persian. The real prototype of the 'Scythian' archers were the archers of different ethnical groups first of Median, and later of Persian army. The 'Scythian' attire of the archers on the vases, therefore, has nothing to do with the real Scythians of the North Pontic area.

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Why did Athenian vase-painters choose the colours they did for the vases they decorated? Why did they choose black figures on red, or red figures on black; why were lekythoi often decorated on white ground? These are basic questions, but have rarely been asked. Many books and articles deal with the technical aspects of how these effects were achieved, but never seem to ask why. A few minutes' conversation with a modern potter will dispel any illusion that the colours so familiar from Attic pottery were the only ones compatible with the local clay. Even the orange of that clay was made more intense by the addition of a thin reddish slip, and white-ground can scarcely be accidental. It is legitimate to enquire why a particular range of colour schemes was adopted.

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In 1751, Jerzy August Mniszech purchased a plot in Długie Ogrody Street: the area where a large -scale residence was erected. Its designer was most probably Pierre Ricaud de Tirregaille. An important element in shaping the spatial composition of the entire palace and garden ensemble was formed by the main gate, characterized by an extremely dynamic, sculptural form, typical of Rococo art. At the top of the gate and on the fence posts there were figures: personifications of Minerva and Ceres, four putti representing the seasons and vases. At the beginning, the article presents the history and style of the sculptures. Then the question of attribution is discussed. In literature, Johann Heinrich Meissner is the most frequently indicated creator of the entire sculptural ensemble. This attribution, in view of the shortage of sources, requires confrontation with other, preserved works of the artist. Johann Heinrich Meissner (1701–1770) was born in Królewiec. He was present in Gdańsk, where from 1726 he owned a valued workshop. Having lived in the Old Town, near the Church of St Catherine, in 1755 he moved to Długie Ogrody where he located his studio, so he was a direct witness to the project carried out for Jerzy August Mniszech. Meissner’s workshop created, among other things, garden sculptures and elements of temple decorations. Among the sacred implementations, mention should be made of the decoration of the main altar in the Cathedral in Frombork, which includes four full -figure angelic figures, vases, flames and garlands made of pine wood. Meissner was also responsible for the statues of angels from the organ front in Gdańsk’s Church of St Mary, expanded in 1757–60. The soft modelling of forms precisely emphasizes the anatomy. Figures’ gestures are naturalistic. The sculptures in front of the Mniszech Palace are stylistically different from them: strongly stylized, exaggerated, they feature vibrating surface characteristic of the Rococo. Their authorship should therefore be associated with another sculpture workshop operating in Gdańsk in the mid -18th century. Another thread is the symbolic diagram of the fence decoration. In order to understand the ideological meaning of the figures in question, it is necessary to juxtapose them with the iconography found in Gdańsk’s art (e.g. Minerva decorated the façade of the Great Armory and the hall of the Main Town Hall, while the statues of Ceres were placed at the tops of tenement houses) and with European trends.

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« Qui a eu la chance de contempler les gigantesques fresques murales que l'on trouve dans les sierras de San Borja, San Juan, San Francisco et Guadalupe dans le désert de Basse-Californie sait qu 'il a entrevu le fragment d'un autre monde. Ces hommes peints à même la roche, en couleurs rouges et noires, mêlés et superposés à des rennes et des cerfs et recouvrant d'immenses parois de pierre dans des grottes étonnamment conservés, n'ont pas leur place dans I 'histoire du Mexique. Figures peintes à six ou sept mètres du sol, hommes de I à 2 m de haut, les bras levés ; personnages stylisés d'une danse à laquelle nous n'avons pas été invités (Paco Ignacio Taibo Il, À quatre mains, p. 42. Rivages/Noir, 1991)

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A thorough examination of a vase (inventory no. NAM 14177) kept in the storerooms of the National Archaeological Museum in Athens leads to different conclusions from those reached in its original publication. The shape is that of an early type of aryballos dated to the Middle Protocorinthian period (690–670bc). It bears a puzzling decoration of ships and standing figures with upraised arms on the body, and the same decoration on the shoulder where, however, it is upside-down. This article attempts to collect together and discuss vases that have been decorated in this manner. The majority of them are kotylai, and their chronology fits into the period between Early Protocorinthian and Middle Corinthian, although the majority of them are dated to the Protocorinthian period.

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The present paper studies the iconography of dead maidens depicted on a red-figured funerary loutrophoros and six white-ground lekythoi in the National Archaeological Museum of Athens, all of them dating to the 5th century BC. The scenes painted on the vases under consideration are representative of the iconography employed by Classical Athenian vase-painters for the depiction of deceased maidens, parthenoi. Dead maidens are not frequently seen on funerary clay loutrophoroi, but mostly appear in psychopompoi, tomb visit, and prothesis scenes of white lekythoi, where their premature death before marriage is often emphasized by the fact that they are shown as brides through the use of wedding iconography elements. They are never portrayed being carried by Hypnos and Thanatos, but are only taken to Hades by Hermes and Charon. Even though the loutrophoros is generally considered to be the symbol par excellence of death before marriage, it is not indispensable to the depiction of maiden figures on white lekythoi. However, in scenes on white lekythoi showing a loutrophoros-hydria set up over the tomb as a sema with the deceased maiden portrayed in close proximity to it, special emphasis is placed on the loutrophoros as a symbol of untimely death and eternal virginity.

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Abstract The voices of pottery workers across the British Isles during the heyday of the taste for classically themed ceramics are almost silent to us, since so few left memoirs or diaries. But other sources cumulatively build up a picture of skilled male, female, and child workers familiar with multifarious ancient artefacts and books visually reproducing them. At Etruria and Herculaneum, workers were encouraged to see themselves as participants in the rebirth of the ancient ceramic arts; they were trained in painstaking reproduction of details not only from ancient vases but from ancient gems, intaglios, ivories, coins, bas-reliefs, frescoes, friezes, statues, and sarcophagi. They were familiar with the stories of a substantial number of ancient mythical and historical figures, and the different aesthetic conventions of classical Athenian, Hellenistic, and Roman art. Some were even able to study antiquity at institutions of adult education, and had access to well-stocked workers’ libraries.

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Abstract At the end of the nineteenth century, under the influence of chronophotography and the arguments of the French musicologist Maurice Emmanuel, it was believed that ancient dance could be recovered for the modern world by animating the figures on ancient Greek vases. This led to a flurry of practitioners of so-called ‘Grecian’ dance across Europe, the US and the British Empire. At the beginning of the twentieth century, moving like a Greek became as popular and as liberating for women of the upper classes as discarding a corset and dressing in a Greek-style tunic. In the Edwardian period, since the most celebrated practitioners of Greek dance were women, this new corporeal Hellenism was viewed with deep suspicion as a perilous bid for Sapphic liberation from the patriarchy. But this new corporeality was no less part of a wider utopian return both to nature and the ideal of the collective that laid the groundwork for fascist appropriations of Greek dance in the 1920s.

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Elaborate floral tendrils are one of the most distinctive iconographic features of South Italian vase painting, the red-figure wares produced by Greek settlers in Magna Graecia and Sicily between ca. 440–300 B.C. They were a particular specialty of Apulian artisans and were later adopted by painters living in Paestum and Etruria. This lush vegetation is a stark contrast to the relatively meager interest of Archaic and Classical Athenian vase painters in mimetically depicting elements of the natural world. First appearing in the work of the Iliupersis Painter around 370 B.C., similar flowering vines appear in other contemporary media ranging from gold jewelry to pebble mosaics, perhaps influenced by the career of Pausias of Sicyon, who is credited in ancient sources with developing the art of flower painting. Through analysis of the types of flora depicted and the figures that inhabit these lush vegetal designs, this paper explores the blossoming tendrils on South Italian vases as an evocation of nature’s regenerative powers in the eschatological beliefs of peoples, Greek and Italic alike, occupying southern Italy.

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This paper examines the importance of artist names and artistic identity, especially as expressed in artist signatures, to the interpretation of ancient Greek pottery. Attention is focused on a calyx krater signed ΣϒPIΣKOΣ EΓPΦΣEN [sic], and it is argued that the non-Greek ethnikon used as artist name encourages a non-Athenian reading of the iconography. The painted labels for all six figures on this vase, together with parallels from other Athenian red-figure vases—including others from the Syriskos workshop—all suggest the presentation of an alternative, un-Athenian world view. Okeanos, Dionysos, and Epaphos are read as representing faraway lands at the edges of the Ge Panteleia, or “entire earth,” while the central figure of Themis, Greek personification of divine right, is depicted pouring a libation to Balos, the Hellenized form of the Syrian supreme god Baal, thereby recognizing his status as a supreme deity. Other overtly political messages have been read elsewhere in the oeuvre of the Syriskos Workshop, where it seems that at least two distinct artistic identities were at play—the explicitly foreign “little Syrian,” and the more conventional Pistoxenos, or “trustworthy foreigner.” When explicitly signed on vessels, these artistic identities necessarily sway interpretation, whereas on the many unsigned pieces, the viewer is left to consider which identity is at play.

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Innovation As a Competitive Advantage of Craft Enterprises in Tonalá, Jalisco RESUMEN Las artesanías son el principal atractivo del municipio de Tonalá, Jalisco, destacando la fabricación de alfarería y cerámica en diferentes piezas como platos, platones, jarros, cántaros, cazuelas, ollas, maceteros, floreros, piezas en miniatura, figuras decorativas, entre otras. Desgraciadamente hoy en día es más común la venta de una gran gama de productos importados, principalmente de China, a bajos precios pero de mala calidad; la venta de productos piratas es también uno de los aspectos que han causado controversia. Esto ocasiona una competitividad extrema y se vuelve necesario transformar los procesos productivos como también los mismos productos. El objetivo de este trabajo es utilizar la innovación como una estrategia competitiva de las empresas artesanales para permanecer en el mercado. Palabras clave: artesanías, Tonalá, innovación, competitividad. ABSTRACT Craftsmanship is the main attraction of Tonalá town, Jalisco, Mexico, especially the pottery of stuffs like plates, jugs, cooking pots and pans, flower pots and vases, and miniature and decoration figures. Unfortunately, in craft markets it is nowadays more common to sell imported products; these are bad quality and cheap products mainly from China as well as pirated products, which causes lots of controversy. This has resulted in extreme competitiveness and makes it necessary the transformation of productive processes and the products themselves. The objective of this work is to use innovation as a competitive strategy of craft enterprises wishing to remain in this market. Keywords: craftsmanship; Tonalá; innovation; competitiveness

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Résumé À partir de la seconde moitié du Ve siècle av. J.-C., les peintres de vases attiques ont développé de nouveaux codes iconographiques pour la représentation des figures infantiles. Sur de nombreuses scènes, peintes en grande majorité sur des petites cruches appelées choés, les enfants sont représentés sans adulte et s’adonnent à des activités ludiques. Cette recherche pose la question de la mise en image de la différenciation sexuée entrepetites filles et petit* garçons. La nudité de certains enfants dévoile un appareil génital masculin, facilitant l’identification des petit* garçons. Partant de ce constat, l’identification des petites filles a longtemps été résumée à l’absence de pénis figuré. D’autres critères– la coiffure, le vêtement et surtout le jeu – doivent être interrogés. L’ambiguïté de ces critères de distinction suggère l’existence d’une classe d’âge indifférenciée pour laquelle l’identité sexuée n’est pas encore nécessairement exprimée. Abstract Title: Girls or boys? The gender identification of children on 5th-4th c. BCE. Attic choes and squat lekythoi From the second half of the 5th century BC, Attic vase painters developed new iconographic conventions for the depiction of childhood. On numerous scenes, mostly painted on small jugs called choes, children are depicted without adults and engage in playful activities. This research raises the question of gender differentiation between girls and boys. The nudity of some children reveals male genitalia, helping the identification of little boys. Based on this observation, for a long time the identification of little girls has been reduced to the absence of a penis. Other criteria – hairstyle, clothing and especially play – must be considered. The ambiguity of these criteria suggests the existence of an undifferentiated age group for which gender identity is not yet necessarily explicit.

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Le libraire parisien Antoine Vérard fut parmi les plus assidus des écrivains, artistes et artisans qui dédièrent leurs œuvres et rendirent hommage à Louise de Savoie, mère de François I er . De 1505 jusqu’à sa mort vers 1512, Vérard offrit à sa mécène une série de livres sur vélin, imprimés et manuscrits, enluminés par des artistes renommés de l’époque. La plupart de ces livres, hérités par le fils de Madame, sont entrés dans la collection royale et se trouvent actuellement à la Bibliothèque nationale de France. La découverte à la bibliothèque municipale de Versailles d’un autre livre pour Louise est donc particulièrement surprenante. Il s’agit d’un petit livre in-4 o de 48 feuillets, publié en 1505 et intitulé Le Repos de consolacion . Imprimé sur vélin et enluminé, il porte au verso de la page de titre la miniature qui caractérise presque tous les imprimés que Vérard destina à Louise de Savoie : la mère en robe gris-pourpre et coiffe noire de veuve avec son jeune fils en robe d’or et chausses rouges. Le Maître de Philippe de Gueldre les représente ici face aux figures du Christ et de Pilate, un Ecce hom*o qui correspond au texte, car le Repos de consolacion n’est autre que la traduction française des Meditationes de passione Christi par Jordan de Quedlinburg, moine augustinien du xvi e siècle. Jusqu’ici, l’édition de Vérard, dont le colophon fournit cette date précise du 19 décembre 1505, ne fut connue que par un seul autre exemplaire, imprimé sur papier et illustré par quatorze gravures sur bois de tailles et d’origines diverses, qui se trouve actuellement à la Réserve des livres rares de la Bibliothèque nationale de France. S’il reste encore à élucider son trajet entre 1505 et 1888, date de son entrée à la bibliothèque de Versailles, la découverte de ce « nouvel » exemplaire sur vélin apporte un autre titre aux ouvrages que Vérard prépara pour sa mécène et illumine davantage le goût bibliophilique de Louise de Savoie.

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Scythian Amazons have attracted the attention of researchers since a long time. The Amazons as the subject is developed in three main directions, conditioned by the choice of a certain group of sources — literary, pictorial and archaeological. The literary and visual aspects have been developed quite thoroughly by many generations of researchers, as evidenced by the representative corpus of monographs and publications. Both these directions developed in parallel, often intersecting. Literary aspect implies the study of the image of the Amazon — one of the brightest in classical ancient mythology and culture. Several topics could be seen as key here: the degree of an existence historicism of these warlike women ; the meaning of the term «Amazon»; the origin of the cycle of myths about the Amazons; plot cycles; confrontation / opposition to heroes; and finally, the Amazons and gender issues. The pictorial aspect is related to the study of a wide range of works of decorative art, in which female warriors appear. Following subjects are developed here: storylines (Amazonomachy as Pan-Hellenic plot, Grifonomachy as the local variant thereof ; an injured Amazon, etc.); the image of an Amazon in art in general (multi-figure compositions, solitary figures) or in its particular forms — architecture, sculpture, plastic, painting, toreutics, vases art, etc.); interpretation of compositions, iconography, detailed analysis of accessories and so on. Archaeological aspect looks the least developed, since it is connected with the necessary field work. In the process of studying the funerary complexes of Scythian female warriors, three stages can be distinguished. At the first stage (second half of the 19th century — the end of the 1950s), during the occasional excavations of the Kurgan antiquities of the Pripontian steppes, single graves of women with weapons were discovered. They seemed to have already been noticed, but as an exceptional phenomenon. The second stage (the second half of the 20th century) is characterized by a change in the vector of archaeological researches — at this time, not only the large Kurgans begin to be explored, but also the burial grounds of the rank soldiers. Excavation materials are introduced into scientific circulation. The first analytical works appear (O. Ganina, V. Olkhovskiy, V. Ilinskaya and A. Terenozhkin, E. Buniatian, E. Fialko, R. Rolle, V. Guliaev). It should be noted that these publications are used to this day by foreign colleagues. The third stage (the end of the 20th century — the beginning of the 21st century) was marked by a forced turn from fieldwork, especially barrows, to the office investigations. At this time there were publications of a series of graves of Amazons in individual burial grounds, in different regions of European Scythia (steppe and forest-steppe Dnieper, Crimea, Transdnistria and the Don region). Their number reached 250. These works treated different types of the burial structures, certain categories of burial items of Scythian Amazons, their social stratification, complexes chronology, etc. These materials bring us closer to interesting conclusions and generalizations.

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Whatever Luca Giuliani writes is usually worth reading. Image and Myth, a translation and revision of his Bild und Mythos (Munich, 2003), is no exception. This monograph engages with a topic germane to the origins and development of classical archaeology – the relation of art to text. Giuliani begins, rather ponderously, with an exposition of G. E. Lessing's 1766 essay Laokoon, ‘on the limits of painting and poetry’. Lessing, a dramatist, predictably considered poetry the more effective medium for conveying a story. A picture, in his eyes, encapsulates the vision of a moment – likewise a statue. The Laocoon group, then, is a past perfect moment. A poet can provide the beginning, middle, and end of a story; the artist, only the representation of a fleeting appearance. Giuliani shows that this distinction does not necessarily hold – works of art can be synoptic, disobedient of Aristotelian laws about unity of place and time (and scale). Yet he extracts from Lessing's essay a basic dichotomy between the narrative and the descriptive. This dichotomy dictates the course of a study that is most illuminating when its author is being neither narrative nor descriptive but analytical – explaining, with commendable care for detail, what we see in an ancient work of art. But is the distinction between narrative and descriptive as useful as Giuliani wants it to be? One intellectual predecessor, Carl Robert, is scarcely acknowledged, and a former mentor, Karl Schefold, is openly repudiated; both of these leave-takings are consequent from the effort on Giuliani's part to avoid seeking (and finding) ‘Homeric’ imagery in early Greek art. The iconography of Geometric vases, he maintains, ‘is devoid of narrative intention: it refers to what can be expected to take place in the world’ (37). In this period, we should not be asking whether an image is ‘compatible’ with a story, but rather whether it is incomprehensible without a story. If the answer is ‘no’, then the image is descriptive, not narrative. Thus the well-known oinochoe in Munich, clearly showing a shipwreck, and arguably intending to represent a single figure astride an overturned keel, need not be read as a visual allusion to Odyssey 12.403–25, or some version of the tale of Odysseus surviving a shipwreck. It is just one of those things that happens in the world. Well, we may be thinking – let us be glad that it happens less frequently these days, but double our travel insurance nevertheless. As Giuliani commits himself to this approach, he is forced to concede that certain Geometric scenes evoke the ‘heroic lifestyle’ – but, since we cannot admit Homer's heroes, we must accept the existence of the ‘everyman aristocrat’ (or aristocratic everyman: either way, risking oxymoron). Readers may wonder if Lessing's insistence on separating the descriptive from the narrative works at all well for Homer as an author: for does not Homer's particular gift lie in adding graphic, descriptive detail to his narrative? And have we not learned (from Barthes and others) that ‘descriptions’, semiotically analysed, carry narrative implications – implications for what precedes and follows the ‘moment’ described? So the early part of Giuliani's argument is not persuasive. His conviction, and convincing quality, grows as artists become literate, and play a ‘new game’ ‘in the context of aristocratic conviviality’ (87) – that of adding names to figures (as on the François Vase). Some might say this was simply a literate version of the old game: in any case, it also includes the possibility of ‘artistic licence’. So when Giuliani notes, ‘again we find an element here that is difficult to reconcile with the epic narrative’ (149), this does not, thankfully, oblige him to dismiss the link between art and text, or art and myth (canonical or not). Evidently a painter such as Kleitias could heed the Muses, or aspire to be inspired; a painter might also enjoy teasing his patrons with ‘tweaks’ and corrigenda to a poet's work. (The latter must have been the motive of Euphronios, when representing the salvage of the body of Sarpedon as overseen by Hermes, rather than by Apollo, divergent from the Homeric text.) Eventually there will be ‘pictures for readers’, and a ‘pull of text’ that is overt in Hellenistic relief-moulded bowls, allowing Giuliani to talk of ‘illustrations’ – images that ‘have surrendered their autonomy’ (252).

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The art collection of István Marczibányi (1752–1810), remembered as the benefactor of the Hungarian nation, who devoted a great part of his fortune to religious, educational, scientific and social goals, is generally known as a collection of ‘national Antiquities’ of Hungary. This opinion was already widespread in Hungarian publicity at the beginning of the 19th century, when Marczibányi pledged that he would enrich the collection of the prospective Hungarian national Museum with his artworks. But the description of his collection in Pál Wallaszky’s book Conspectus reipublicae litterariae in Hungaria published in 1808 testifies to the diversity and international character of the collection. In the Marczibányi “treasury”, divided into fourteen units, in addition to a rich cabinet for coins and medals there were mosaics, sculptures, drinking vessels, filigree-adorned goldsmiths’ works, weapons, Chinese art objects, gemstones and objects carved from them (buttons, cameos, caskets and vases), diverse marble monuments and copper engravings. Picking, for example, the set of sculptures, we find ancient Egyptian, Greek and Ro man pieces as well as mediaeval and modern masterpieces arranged by materials.After the collector’s death, his younger brother Imre Marczibányi (1755–1826) and his nephews Márton (1784–1834), János (1786–1830), and Antal (1793–1872) jointly inherited the collection housed in a palace in dísz tér (Parade Square) in Buda. In 1811, acting on the promise of the deceased, the family donated a selection of artworks to the national Museum: 276 cut gems, 9 Roman and Byzantine imperial gold coins, 35 silver coins and more than fifty antiquities and rarities including 17th and 18th-century goldsmiths’ works, Chinese soap-stone statuettes, ivory carvings, weapons and a South Italian red-figure vase, too. However, this donation did not remain intact as one entity. With the emergence of various specialized museums in the last third of the 19th century, a lot of artworks had been transferred to the new institutions, where the original provenance fell mostly into oblivion.In the research more than a third of the artworks now in the Hungarian national Museum, the Museum of Applied Arts and the Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest could be identified, relying on the first printed catalogue of the Hungarian national Museum (1825) titled Cimeliotheca Musei Nationalis Hungarici, and the handwritten acquisition registers. The entries have revealed that fictitious provenances were attached to several items, since the alleged or real association with prominent historical figures played an important role in the acquisition strategies of private collectors and museums alike at the time. For example, an ivory carving interpreted in the Cimeliotheca as the reliquary of St Margaret of Hungary could be identified with an object in the Metalwork Collection of the Museum of Applied Arts (inv. no. 18843), whose stylistic analogies and parallels invalidate the legendary origin: the bone plates subsequently assembled as a front of a casket were presumably made in a Venetian workshop at the end of the 14th century.There are merely sporadic data about the network of István Marczibányi’s connections as a collector, and about the history of his former collection remaining in the possession of his heirs. It is known that collector Miklós Jankovich (1772–1846) purchased painted and carved marble portraits around 1816 from the Marczi bányi collection, together with goldsmiths’ works including a coconut cup newly identified in the Metalwork Collection of the Museum of Applied Arts (inv. no. 19041). The group of exquisite Italian Cinquecento bronze statuettes published by art historian Géza Entz (1913–1993), was last owned as a whole by Antal Marczibányi (nephew of István) who died in 1872. These collection of small bronzes could have also been collected by István Marczibányi, then it got scattered through inheritance, and certain pieces of it landed in north American and European museums as of the second third of the 20th century. Although according to Entz’s hypothesis the small bronzes were purchased by István’s brother Imre through the mediation of sculptor and art collector István Ferenczy (1792–1956) studying in Rome, there is no written data to verify it. By contrast, it is known that the posthumous estate of István Marczibányi included a large but not detailed collection of classical Roman statues in 1811, which the heirs did not donate to the national Museum. It may be presumed that some of the renaissance small bronzes of mythological themes following classical prototypes were believed to be classical antiquities at the beginning of the 19th century. Further research will hopefully reveal more information about the circ*mstances of their acquisition.

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The diffusion of early attic red-figured pottery in the Black Sea area (525-480 BC). This study presents a detailed discussion on the pattern of diffusion of early attic red-figured vases in the Black Sea Area. 80 vases are collected, mostly from Northern Black Sea sites. A representative series of vases is analyzed according to shape and iconography, and classified by painter andworkshop. The output of major painters and workshops in the Black Sea is discussed (Psiax,Oltos, Epiktetos, Euphronios, the Pithos Painter, the Nicosthenes and Kachrylion workshops, etc.). The overall pattern of diffusion of early red-figured vases in the Black Sea area and in Etruria corresponds quite closely. It is argued that Aeginetan and Ionian sailors are responsible for the fact that vases from same workshops appear both in the Black Sea area and Thasos, as in Etruria, although these vases are used locally in different ways. After 490-480, the scheme changes: the Black Sea Region now belongs to commercial routes that link Athens with Asia Minor and the Levant as well.

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Abstract This paper assesses a rediscovered Etruscan black-figure hydria in the collection of the Higgins Museum, Bedford. It is immediately apparent that the hydria depicts the Judgment of Paris, common on contemporary Greek vases imported into Etruria. This discussion seeks to attribute the hydria to the Micali Painter. The discovery of this vase allows for a greater study of the attributes of figures present in already known Archaic Etruscan Judgment of Paris scenes. As certain consistent elements become recognizable on these examples, this analysis suggests that Etruscan artists were not simply copying the iconography of Greek imported vases; indeed, the attributes of the deities depicted on the vase indicate an engagement with, and deeper understanding of, the subject.

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This paper is devoted to obtaining the multi-soliton solutions, high-order breather solutions and high-order rational solutions of the (3+1)-dimensional B-type Kadomtsev–Petviashvili (BKP) equation by applying the Hirota bilinear method and the long-wave limit approach. Moreover, the interaction solutions are constructed by choosing appropriate value of parameters, which consist of four waves for lumps, breathers, rouges and solitons. Some dynamical characteristics for the obtained exact solutions are illustrated using figures.

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Abstract Classic Maya (a.d. 250–900) art is filled with expressive figures in a variety of highly stylized poses and postures. These poses are so specific that they appear to be intentionally communicative, yet their meanings remain elusive. A few studies have scratched the surface of this issue, suggesting that a correlation exists between body language and social roles in Maya art. The present study examines whether one type of body language (hand gestures) in Classic Maya art represents and reflects elements of social structure. This analysis uses a coding approach derived from studies of hand gesture in conversation to apply an interactional approach to a static medium, thereby broadening the methods used to analyze gesture in ancient art. Statistics are used to evaluate patterns of gesture use in palace scenes across 289 figures on 94 different vases, with results indicating that the form and angling of gestures are related to social hierarchy. Furthermore, this study considers not just the individual status of each figure, but the interaction between figures. The results not only shed light on how gesture was depicted in Maya art, but also demonstrate how figural representation reflects social structure.

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Marble-block decorated with figures of Apollo and Artemis. A fragment of an archaic marbleblock has been found in the area of the Asklepios sanctuary in Paroikia, Paros near the sanctuary of Apollo Pythios. The block is decorated with two incised human figures in profile, one on the main side and the other on the narrow side. On the fragmentary representation of a standing female figure turned to the right. She holds a bow in her hands. Her hair is held together with a ribbon and her garment is probably a chiton. A pair of a diagonal incisions shown across the chest might indicate the strap of a quiver. In this case the figure represents the goddess Artemis, the sister of Apollo. The hair, the profile, a rosette that decorates «Artemis» belt seem to copy contemporary «Melian» vases, which are attributed to a parian workshop. The two figures on the block bring to mind the figure of a parian stele (archaeological museum of Paros, A 760) as well as the stelae of Prinias, Crete dating to the 7th century. The block is one of the earliest examples of carved marble reliefs in Paros as well as in Cyclades.

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The aim of this article is to bring to light part of the contextual methodological analysis of the Black Figures lekane (Archaic Period) found in the Artemísion of Thassos, an island located in the North of the Aegean. The sanctuary of Artemis is an important religious marker for understanding the urban expansion of the city, as well as the dynamics of local female worship. The data collection took place from the publication of the descriptive catalog of the black figures lekane of Thassos by A. Coulié in La céramique thasiennes à figures noires of 2002 in ÉtTh XIX, the analysis of a sample of material in loco and the data collection contexts from the Bulletin Correspondance Hellenique, in which we seek to delve deeper into the analysis of archaeological contexts. This study is part of the research in the doctoral thesis, in which we analyzed a sample of 54 vases in the Museum of Thasos, a total of 126 fragments of lekane found in the sanctuary of Artemis. In this article, we will present the analysis of 2 fragments of lekane from the cutting of decorative elements of animal figures typically from Eastern Greece in the archaic period and animals with a monstrous aspect, apparently common signs in the context in question. The theoretical-methodological contribution allowed us to observe important aspects of the particularities of the female cult in Thasos, from the re-insertion of the lekane in the contextual universe and the unveiling of aspects that characterize female and religious attendance from the sectored contexts of Artemísion.

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Le potier athénien Nikosthénès est connu pour avoir intégré à son répertoire des formes et des éléments de décors d’origine étrusque inspirés de la céramique de bucchero, mais aussi pour avoir eu des relations commerciales privilégiées avec certaines cités, notamment Cerveteri et Vulci, dans la seconde moitié du vie siècle av. J.‑C. Par l’étude d’une partie de sa production, nous souhaitons dans cet article revenir sur ce phénomène d’imitation – ou plutôt, d’adaptation en figures noires – de formes issues du bucchero par un atelier athénien. Ces objets d’inspiration étrusque ont de plus été produits quasi exclusivement pour un commerce à destination de leur région d’origine. Comment expliquer ce phénomène ? Quel est le degré d’implication de Nikosthénès dans ces innovations et quelle est la part de la demande étrusque ? Les clients étaient-ils intéressés par les formes et l’usage de ces vases ou ont-ils également sélectionné, par le biais des marchands, des images qui leur correspondaient ? Enfin, nous analyserons la réappropriation et l’intégration de ces importations athéniennes par les populations étrusques pour les inclure dans leur culture matérielle et symbolique.

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AbstractAuthor, artist, designer and collector Thomas Hope (1769–1831) published his influential Costume of the Ancients in 1809 and in an enlarged version in 1812. This article identifies archaeological sources for figures in the plates of Costume of the Ancients and seeks to explain why Hope altered his sources by adding patterns from Greek vases. The process of adding Greek vase patterns is traced from preliminary drawings by Hope at the Gennadius Library in Athens, through a second album of final drawings at the Gennadius Library by Henry Moses, the principal engraver for Costume of the Ancients, and to Moses’s plates in Costume of the Ancients. The argument provides evidence that Hope’s choices of added patterns were made with an eye to how they could serve to improve contemporary Neoclassical dress. That this was Hope’s intention was stated in the 1809 edition of Costume of the Ancients, where he expressed the desire to ‘present to his fair model some useful hints for improving the elegance and dignity of her attire’. Signed etchings from Moses’s Sketches in Outline (1808), an untitled pamphlet of 1808–1809, and Designs of Modern Costume (1812) provided examples of ideal contemporary dress in the Greek style. Moses’s etchings accomplished this by incorporating Greek patterns from Costume of the Ancients, along with its Greek drapery types that were adapted to conform with contemporary dress forms. Unsigned fashion plates from Lady’s Magazine from 1807 to 1809 exhibit these same patterns and drapery types, and may have been designed by Moses.

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